Till yesterday, politics was all about pedigree, today, its all about parties becoming ghar-ghar ki kahani read family firms. Its shining torch bearer is none other than the Congress’s Gandhis’, spanning four generations of the Nehru-Gandhi First Dynasty. Adroitly imitated by regional satraps, Tamil Nadu’s DMK clan, Maharashtra’s NCP father-daughter duo and Shiv Sena’s father-son roar, UP’s Samajwadi, Bihar’s RJD and Punjab’s Akali’s father-son duet. Never mind, that it debases the party itself. It’s all about keeping everything in the Family, yaar!
Why not? Arguably, if a carpenter’s son could become a carpenter, an actor’s daughter an actress then what was wrong if a neta’s progeny reaps political dividends. After all, it is in his DNA. Thus, post Independence, over the decades, India’s polity transgressed from its lofty pedestal of serving the people, fighting for their respective States, caste and class down to banal, politics-is-my-birthright charade.
Worse, so obsessed and caught-up in this technicolour family album promotion, have the leaders become that their politics, ideology, programmes and policies revolve around only their aankhon ka tara. Groomed to don the mantle of power, a precious family heirloom. Wherein, all have to bow and hail the rising son. Let better and meritorious leaders be waylaid. All is fair in love and war, bhaiya.
The muted call by old Congress jee huzoors for induction of Priyanka Gandhi has to be seen in this light. Raising a moot point: Is the over 110 year-old Grand Dame suffering from a leadership deficit? Is it bereft of party-men who make the leadership cut? That only its First Family --- mother-son-daughter --- can lead it to political nirvana?
Sadly, yes. It is immaterial that Sonia-Rahul’s Congress seems to have lost the plot since it was voted back to power. Post the spate of scandals and the deafening silence emitting from 10 Jan path has many worried Congressmen confused and adrift. Privately, not a few admit that the Party is facing a crisis of leadership. Yet, like the Emperor with no clothes, the leader-progeny can do no wrong, merit or no merit.
Witness the way, the Congress formed a protective ring around its Yuvaraj Rahul Gandhi post the Party’s poor showing in the recent Assembly polls. In Tamil Nadu, the resounding defeat was all thanks to an ungrateful aam janata that took the colour TVs, sarees and monies but didn’t vote the DMK-Congress back. In West Bengal, the Trinamool-Congress victory was a Didi Mamata show all the way.
In Kerala, Amul Baby Rahul’s Congress won by a whisker of three voted over ‘old man’ CPM Achuthanandan. Yet its victory was pyrrhic. The prize went to the old war horse who symbolized selfless dedication to morality and probity. In Assam, Congress Gogoi’s was seen as a homespun leader who single-handedly fought a hard-won third term. In Puducherry Rangaswamy came in from the cold and dislodged an over-confident Grand Dame.
Just as the aam aadmi had done with Lalu’s RJD in last year’s Bihar poll, Sonia’s Congress and Mulayam’s Samajwadi in UP’s election in 2006. While the people hooted for Nitish Kumar-Sushil Modi in the former and BSP’s Mayawati in the latter. Along-with BJD’s Naveen Patnaik in Orissa and BJP’s Narender Modi in Gujarat who performed a hatrick.
Why? Primarily because they carried no baggage of family khandaan. Each leader was singular per se who was on the top because of his projection as devoted to his people, merit, hard work, likeability, coupled with shrewd politics and a dose of good governance. Also, while the Family Parties had no place for merit and were increasingly myopic in outlook, the iconoclast firms offered upward mobility if one had the stomach for grass root politics. Bringing things to such a pass, that over eight States are now run by individuals, Mamata, Mayawati, Modi, Nitish, Patnaik, Rangaswamy and Jayalalithaa.
Does that mean the days of the Dynasty are over? Not as yet, but the climb to the top has become harder. Be it Rahul and his baba log brood. No longer will being born-with-a political-spoon suffice. Post the Anna Hazare campaign against corruption which resonated in a rising middle class aspiration and youth eager to embrace change things are beginning to change slowly but surely.
Indeed, the recent Assembly elections cannot be dismissed as straws in the winds. It holds out important lessons for neta’s who-have-yet to arrive and aspiring politicians. Importantly, do they have the grit, guts and ability to gamble? Like Andhra’s erstwhile ‘problem child’ Jagan Mohan Reddy who left the Congress only to make it bite dust in the Lok Sabha by-poll. Or Puducherry’s Rangaswamy who ditched the Congress and formed his own Party.
The stomach to do an Indira Gandhi Belchi elephant jaunt through Bihar’s flooded waters in 1977and ride to victory? Be an inexorable unwavering one-man army like Mamata with a one-point agenda: Defeat the Marxists. Towards that end she unflinchingly bore the brunt of many CPM’s lathi-charges and arrests.
Her Nandigram and Singur land acquisition battles were a far cry from Rahul’s one-off Bhatta-Parsaul arrest-release drama. Yet, Mamata stood her ground through defeats, blood, sweat and tears. Notwithstanding, the trappings of power that were her’s to grab. She did but on her own terms, crumpled janata sarees, hawai chappals and jhola her trademark.
Questionably, does this have any bearing on those whose political future and fortunes are destined by the Dynastic Gods to lead the nation? Yes, specially, Rahul Gandhi, already there are great expectations that he will resurrect the Congress and lead it to victory in 2014. As a test case, the Congress General Secretary seems to be pulling out all the stops to make his Party matter in next year's UP Assembly polls after 23 years.
But this is easier said than done. Leading an one-time farmers agitation against land acquisition in Bhatta-Parsaul, spending a night in a Dalit hut and stepping into the dusty hungry bowl of Bundelkhand might make for Kodak media moments but he's far from bringing about a 'Congress revival' in the State. True, he played a big role in netting the Congress 21 of the 80 Lok Sabha seats in 2009. But the Party came a cropper in the 2007 Assembly poll, winning 22 in a 403-seat Vidhan Sabha — three less than in the previous polls.
Clearly, Rahul his baba log and India’s Gen X need to learn from Anna Hazare, Rangaswamy , Mamata, Patnaik, Modi et al, a voter hoots for a fearless leader who will risk his where-with-all on an ideological conviction and beliefs that this is best for his people. Also, the aam aadmi still cherishes certain old-fashioned moral sobriety in their netas,
All in all, family “jenaioos” do not guarantee success beyond a certain point. In an era of 24/7 TV the aam janata wants a leader it can identify, connect and communicate with, one of its own, in good times and bad. He must be part of a deeper commitment to people-centric issues. Given that the people are saying goodbye to the shameless feudal trappings of a divine right to rule. Time to get rid of this gharelu nautankis! What gives? ---- INFA
(Copyright India News & Feature Alliance)
Tuesday, May 31, 2011
राहुल का मिशन उत्तरप्रदेश
पांच राज्यों में हुए विधानसभा चुनाव के परिणाम आने से एक दिन पहले राहुल गांधी तड़के ही भट्टा पारसौल पहुंच गए थे। उसी दिन उनकी गिरफ्तारी होने तक वे उन लोगों के बीच थे, जो एक तरफ पुलिस व सैन्य बल और दूसरी तरफ भूमि हस्तांतरण के विरोध में प्रदर्शन कर रहे ग्रामीणों के बीच हो रहे संघर्ष में पिस रहे थे। लेकिन इसके बाद जो हुआ, उसमें कुछ भी अप्रत्याशित नहीं था।
रिहाई के बाद प्रेस वार्ता में राहुल गांधी मृतकों की संख्या के विवरणों और ग्रामीण महिलाओं के साथ हुए र्दुव्यवहार पर ध्यान केंद्रित करते नजर आए। लेकिन बाद में इन दोनों ही बिंदुओं पर वे विस्तार से बात करने से कतराते रहे। जाहिर था, उनके सभी दावों की पुष्टि साक्ष्यों के साथ नहीं की जा सकती थी। स्थानीय समाचार चैनल, प्रिंट मीडिया व अन्य राजनीतिक पार्टियां आक्रामक रुख अख्तियार किए हुई थीं, लेकिन बसपा ने पूछा कि क्या राहुल गांधी तथ्यों को तोड़मरोड़ कर उन्हें राजनीतिक पूंजी में परिवर्तित नहीं कर रहे हैं। भाजपा और खासतौर पर पार्टी के पूर्व अध्यक्ष राजनाथ सिंह (जो उत्तरप्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री भी रह चुके हैं) ने भी इसी सुर में बात की।
लेकिन अगर मामले की गहराई से पड़ताल करें तो पाएंगे कि चीजें इतनी स्पष्ट नहीं हैं। दो तथ्य बिल्कुल साफ हैं। पहला है उत्तरप्रदेश में भूमि अधिग्रहण से संबंधित विवादों का बढ़ता दायरा। यमुना और गंगा एक्सप्रेसवेज के निर्माण और शहरी बसाहटों के विस्तार के लिए भूमि अधिग्रहण जरूरी है। अक्सर भूमि अधिग्रहण की प्रक्रिया संघर्षो से भरी होती है। इस तरह के विवाद नए नहीं हैं, लेकिन वे जिस पैमाने पर और जितनी मात्रा में हो रहे हैं, वह जरूर नया है।
दूसरा तथ्य यह है कि पिछले कुछ वर्षो में किसी भी राष्ट्रीय राजनीतिक दल के किसी शीर्ष नेता ने इस मसले को नहीं उठाया है। यहां रालोद नेता अजित सिंह अपवाद हैं, जो भूमि अधिग्रहण अधिनियम में संशोधन की जरूरत के बारे में लगातार बात करते आ रहे हैं। लेकिन इस बार पहल करने वाले मुलायम सिंह यादव नहीं थे, जिनके संरक्षक दिवंगत चरण सिंह उत्तरप्रदेश के महानतम किसान नेता थे। न ही यह पहल अजित सिंह ने ही की थी, जबकि पश्चिमी उत्तरप्रदेश उनके परिवार का गढ़ रह चुका है। यह पहल कल्याण सिंह ने भी नहीं की थी, जिन्होंने 1980 के दशक के मध्य में किसानों के हित में तब आवाज उठाई थी, जब उनकी पार्टी को शहरी व्यवसायियों की तरफ झुकाव रखने वाली पार्टी माना जाता था। यह पहल राहुल गांधी ने की थी।
लेकिन इसके कारणों को तलाशने ज्यादा दूर नहीं जाना पड़ेगा। उत्तरप्रदेश में टाउनशिप डेवलपमेंट और सड़कों का निर्माण करने वाली कंपनियां देश की शीर्षस्थ कंपनियों में से हैं। उन्होंने कई राज्यों में निवेश किया है। इनमें उत्तरप्रदेश के पड़ोस में स्थित उत्तराखंड भी शामिल है, जहां कई विशाल बांध परियोजनाएं निर्माणाधीन हैं। कांग्रेस उत्तरप्रदेश में सत्ता से इतने लंबे समय से दूर है कि प्रदेश में इस किस्म के सीधे जुड़ावों से वह मुक्त ही है। यहां इस तथ्य पर भी गौर किया जाना चाहिए कि देश के शीर्षस्थ राजनीतिक परिवार के सदस्य राजनीति में अपनी सहज वृत्ति से संचालित होते रहे हैं।
जवाहरलाल नेहरू ने कांग्रेस अध्यक्ष बनने से पहले उद्योग जगत के अग्रणियों को आड़े हाथों लिया था। जब इंदिरा गांधी ने बैंकों के राष्ट्रीयकरण की नीति अपनाई तो उनके समाजवादी रुझानों के चलते कई उद्योग घरानों ने उनका विरोध किया था। राजीव गांधी ने अपने कार्यकाल के प्रारंभिक दस माह में रिलायंस बिजनेस हाउस को कोई तवज्जो नहीं दी थी। इस तथ्य को हैमिश मैकडॉनल्ड ने अपनी किताब में रेखांकित किया है। यहां तक कि यूपीए सरकार के पहले कार्यकाल के दौरान सोनिया गांधी ने भी नरेगा को लागू करने में व्यक्तिगत रुचि ली थी, जबकि बहुत कम पेशेवर अर्थशास्त्रियों और उनसे भी कम उद्योग घरानों ने उनकी इस नीति का समर्थन किया था।
कुछ टिप्पणीकारों ने राहुल गांधी की भट्टा पारसौल यात्रा की तुलना इंदिरा गांधी की बेलछी यात्रा से की है, जो संभवत: पूरी तरह उपयुक्त नहीं है। पहली बात यह कि तब कांग्रेस संघर्ष करने के लिए बेहतर स्थिति में थी और उसके उभरते हुए नेता संजय गांधी मुस्तैदी से डटे हुए थे। वहीं मायावती भी उन नेताओं में से नहीं हैं, जो संघर्ष की स्थिति से बचने की कोशिश करेंगी। कुछ समय बाद वे जवाबी हमला करेंगी और खुद को हुई क्षति की भरपाई करने का प्रयास करेंगी। लेकिन अहम सवाल अपनी जगह पर कायम है।
अमेठी सांसद ने खासतौर पर महिलाओं से पुलिसिया र्दुव्यवहार पर खासा जोर दिया था। अलबत्ता पुलिस और प्रशासन के अधिकारी भी हिंसा के शिकार हुए थे, लेकिन इससे उन्हें यह लाइसेंस नहीं मिल जाता कि वे बेगुनाह और निहत्थे लोगों पर जोर-आजमाइश करें। ज्यादा गंभीर बात यह है कि यहां स्कूल या अस्पताल निर्माण जैसी सार्वजनिक हित की कोई परियोजना संकट में नहीं थी। यह कहीं गंभीर और व्यापक मसला है। यह पहला अवसर नहीं है, जब सरकारी मशीनरी किसी ऐसी निजी कंपनी की खिदमत में लगी हुई थी, जिसकी सरकार से नजदीकियां हों। सहारा समूह और समाजवादी पार्टी के संबंध में इसी तरह की स्थिति पहले भी निर्मित हो चुकी है।
भूमि अधिग्रहण अधिनियम 1894 उन लोगों को कोई अधिकार नहीं देता, जिनसे उनकी जमीन ले ली गई है। चाहे जमीन उनकी हो या वे उस पर काम कर रहे हों, वे तत्काल प्रभाव से परियोजना से संबंधित अधिकारियों और राज्य सरकार की दया पर आश्रित हो जाते हैं। नए कानून द्वारा उन्हें स्पष्ट न्यायोचित अधिकार प्रदान किए जाने चाहिए और यह सरकार का दायित्व होना चाहिए कि वह उनके अधिकारों की रक्षा करे। यह तभी संभव है जब सरकार जमीन खरीदने वालों की एजेंट न बन जाए। राहुल गांधी ने पहल तो अच्छी की है, लेकिन अगर वे अपनी इस प्रतिबद्धता पर बरकरार नहीं रहे तो ज्यादा कुछ नहीं हो पाएगा। यदि वे इसी तरह जमीनी मोर्चे पर आकर अगुआई करते रहे तो उत्तरप्रदेश में उनकी पार्टी के अवसर ही बेहतर होंगे।
रिहाई के बाद प्रेस वार्ता में राहुल गांधी मृतकों की संख्या के विवरणों और ग्रामीण महिलाओं के साथ हुए र्दुव्यवहार पर ध्यान केंद्रित करते नजर आए। लेकिन बाद में इन दोनों ही बिंदुओं पर वे विस्तार से बात करने से कतराते रहे। जाहिर था, उनके सभी दावों की पुष्टि साक्ष्यों के साथ नहीं की जा सकती थी। स्थानीय समाचार चैनल, प्रिंट मीडिया व अन्य राजनीतिक पार्टियां आक्रामक रुख अख्तियार किए हुई थीं, लेकिन बसपा ने पूछा कि क्या राहुल गांधी तथ्यों को तोड़मरोड़ कर उन्हें राजनीतिक पूंजी में परिवर्तित नहीं कर रहे हैं। भाजपा और खासतौर पर पार्टी के पूर्व अध्यक्ष राजनाथ सिंह (जो उत्तरप्रदेश के मुख्यमंत्री भी रह चुके हैं) ने भी इसी सुर में बात की।
लेकिन अगर मामले की गहराई से पड़ताल करें तो पाएंगे कि चीजें इतनी स्पष्ट नहीं हैं। दो तथ्य बिल्कुल साफ हैं। पहला है उत्तरप्रदेश में भूमि अधिग्रहण से संबंधित विवादों का बढ़ता दायरा। यमुना और गंगा एक्सप्रेसवेज के निर्माण और शहरी बसाहटों के विस्तार के लिए भूमि अधिग्रहण जरूरी है। अक्सर भूमि अधिग्रहण की प्रक्रिया संघर्षो से भरी होती है। इस तरह के विवाद नए नहीं हैं, लेकिन वे जिस पैमाने पर और जितनी मात्रा में हो रहे हैं, वह जरूर नया है।
दूसरा तथ्य यह है कि पिछले कुछ वर्षो में किसी भी राष्ट्रीय राजनीतिक दल के किसी शीर्ष नेता ने इस मसले को नहीं उठाया है। यहां रालोद नेता अजित सिंह अपवाद हैं, जो भूमि अधिग्रहण अधिनियम में संशोधन की जरूरत के बारे में लगातार बात करते आ रहे हैं। लेकिन इस बार पहल करने वाले मुलायम सिंह यादव नहीं थे, जिनके संरक्षक दिवंगत चरण सिंह उत्तरप्रदेश के महानतम किसान नेता थे। न ही यह पहल अजित सिंह ने ही की थी, जबकि पश्चिमी उत्तरप्रदेश उनके परिवार का गढ़ रह चुका है। यह पहल कल्याण सिंह ने भी नहीं की थी, जिन्होंने 1980 के दशक के मध्य में किसानों के हित में तब आवाज उठाई थी, जब उनकी पार्टी को शहरी व्यवसायियों की तरफ झुकाव रखने वाली पार्टी माना जाता था। यह पहल राहुल गांधी ने की थी।
लेकिन इसके कारणों को तलाशने ज्यादा दूर नहीं जाना पड़ेगा। उत्तरप्रदेश में टाउनशिप डेवलपमेंट और सड़कों का निर्माण करने वाली कंपनियां देश की शीर्षस्थ कंपनियों में से हैं। उन्होंने कई राज्यों में निवेश किया है। इनमें उत्तरप्रदेश के पड़ोस में स्थित उत्तराखंड भी शामिल है, जहां कई विशाल बांध परियोजनाएं निर्माणाधीन हैं। कांग्रेस उत्तरप्रदेश में सत्ता से इतने लंबे समय से दूर है कि प्रदेश में इस किस्म के सीधे जुड़ावों से वह मुक्त ही है। यहां इस तथ्य पर भी गौर किया जाना चाहिए कि देश के शीर्षस्थ राजनीतिक परिवार के सदस्य राजनीति में अपनी सहज वृत्ति से संचालित होते रहे हैं।
जवाहरलाल नेहरू ने कांग्रेस अध्यक्ष बनने से पहले उद्योग जगत के अग्रणियों को आड़े हाथों लिया था। जब इंदिरा गांधी ने बैंकों के राष्ट्रीयकरण की नीति अपनाई तो उनके समाजवादी रुझानों के चलते कई उद्योग घरानों ने उनका विरोध किया था। राजीव गांधी ने अपने कार्यकाल के प्रारंभिक दस माह में रिलायंस बिजनेस हाउस को कोई तवज्जो नहीं दी थी। इस तथ्य को हैमिश मैकडॉनल्ड ने अपनी किताब में रेखांकित किया है। यहां तक कि यूपीए सरकार के पहले कार्यकाल के दौरान सोनिया गांधी ने भी नरेगा को लागू करने में व्यक्तिगत रुचि ली थी, जबकि बहुत कम पेशेवर अर्थशास्त्रियों और उनसे भी कम उद्योग घरानों ने उनकी इस नीति का समर्थन किया था।
कुछ टिप्पणीकारों ने राहुल गांधी की भट्टा पारसौल यात्रा की तुलना इंदिरा गांधी की बेलछी यात्रा से की है, जो संभवत: पूरी तरह उपयुक्त नहीं है। पहली बात यह कि तब कांग्रेस संघर्ष करने के लिए बेहतर स्थिति में थी और उसके उभरते हुए नेता संजय गांधी मुस्तैदी से डटे हुए थे। वहीं मायावती भी उन नेताओं में से नहीं हैं, जो संघर्ष की स्थिति से बचने की कोशिश करेंगी। कुछ समय बाद वे जवाबी हमला करेंगी और खुद को हुई क्षति की भरपाई करने का प्रयास करेंगी। लेकिन अहम सवाल अपनी जगह पर कायम है।
अमेठी सांसद ने खासतौर पर महिलाओं से पुलिसिया र्दुव्यवहार पर खासा जोर दिया था। अलबत्ता पुलिस और प्रशासन के अधिकारी भी हिंसा के शिकार हुए थे, लेकिन इससे उन्हें यह लाइसेंस नहीं मिल जाता कि वे बेगुनाह और निहत्थे लोगों पर जोर-आजमाइश करें। ज्यादा गंभीर बात यह है कि यहां स्कूल या अस्पताल निर्माण जैसी सार्वजनिक हित की कोई परियोजना संकट में नहीं थी। यह कहीं गंभीर और व्यापक मसला है। यह पहला अवसर नहीं है, जब सरकारी मशीनरी किसी ऐसी निजी कंपनी की खिदमत में लगी हुई थी, जिसकी सरकार से नजदीकियां हों। सहारा समूह और समाजवादी पार्टी के संबंध में इसी तरह की स्थिति पहले भी निर्मित हो चुकी है।
भूमि अधिग्रहण अधिनियम 1894 उन लोगों को कोई अधिकार नहीं देता, जिनसे उनकी जमीन ले ली गई है। चाहे जमीन उनकी हो या वे उस पर काम कर रहे हों, वे तत्काल प्रभाव से परियोजना से संबंधित अधिकारियों और राज्य सरकार की दया पर आश्रित हो जाते हैं। नए कानून द्वारा उन्हें स्पष्ट न्यायोचित अधिकार प्रदान किए जाने चाहिए और यह सरकार का दायित्व होना चाहिए कि वह उनके अधिकारों की रक्षा करे। यह तभी संभव है जब सरकार जमीन खरीदने वालों की एजेंट न बन जाए। राहुल गांधी ने पहल तो अच्छी की है, लेकिन अगर वे अपनी इस प्रतिबद्धता पर बरकरार नहीं रहे तो ज्यादा कुछ नहीं हो पाएगा। यदि वे इसी तरह जमीनी मोर्चे पर आकर अगुआई करते रहे तो उत्तरप्रदेश में उनकी पार्टी के अवसर ही बेहतर होंगे।
Even Priyanka can't arrest Congress decline
Vasant Sathe has stirred a small storm. Quitting his hobby horse of a presidential system for India, he now suggests Priyanka Gandhi would be a better bet than Rahul. He thinks Rahul Gandhi’s “parachute politics” (he skips the phrase but indirectly alludes to it) won’t restore Congress to its old glory and a mass-contact programme is required with Priyanka leading it.
Does Vasant Sathe correctly assess Priyanka’s capability to raise the Congress party to new heights? This writer thinks not, even assuming Priyanka gains the reins of the party, which seems currently far-fetched.
To be sure, there is considerable conviction among Congress party managers in Delhi of Priyanka Gandhi’s capacity to transform the organisation. On admittedly thin evidence, comparisons are made between Priyanka and her late grandmother (whose sartorial style she emulates, if you notice), Indira Gandhi. This writer is guilty of initiating that comparison years ago on still thinner evidence.
It is not clear if a section of Congress managers are rooting for Priyanka Gandhi for her perceived intrinsic political strengths or because of desperation flowing from the indisputable failure of Rahul. The joke in the Congress party apropos Rahul Gandhi is, “Mere paas maa hai.” His political tutors in the party have long written him off.
But Rahul Gandhi’s biggest supporter remains his mother, Sonia. Sonia Gandhi shed her silence to back her son on his disastrous Bhatta-Parsaul campaign, where Rahul alleged the Mayawati government’s hand in a 1977 Belchi-like massacre. The fact that Rahul Gandhi is in politics and not Priyanka (except for her election campaigns for her mother and brother) tells its own story. It will take a lot to change this script, and it will be idle and unfair to speculate how, when and why that will become possible, if at all.
But if Vasant Sathe’s hopes and desires do come true, don’t believe that Priyanka Gandhi carries any magic wand to boost the fortunes of the Congress party. Yes, for a time, a year or two, her novelty may sway the picture, as it happened when Rahul stepped into politics. But his failure will add to her pressure to succeed, and the country is going to give her less time to prove herself.
Her biggest problem, however, may be that the country has less and less time for the Nehru-Gandhis. Experts speak of India’s rise in an external context, but that rise has been prompted internally, and that has produced its own effects on politics. India’s middle class is more powerful, more demanding, and more impatient than ever before. Its new heroes are, among others, Anna Hazare and the yoga guru, Baba Ramdev. Ramdev’s satyagraha from next month against political corruption and black money has given the Congress-led Central government huge jitters.
And more fundamentally, India is becoming a classical federation with stronger states and a diminished Centre. So infirm is prime minister Manmohan Singh (for other reasons as well) that some chief ministers arguably command more real powers than him. The recent assembly election results have further strengthened regionalism and coalition politics and weakened the hands of mainstream parties, chief of them the Congress.
Also, scuppering Priyanka Gandhi’s chance of outright success is the competition she will face from scions of other political dynasties. The late YS Rajasekhara Reddy’s son is challenging Rahul/Sonia Gandhi to take him on in Andhra Pradesh, where disaster looms for the Congress. In state after state, dynasts or powerful independent chief ministers are rising at the cost of the Congress, even as all dynastic parties face revulsion of the electorate. The Congress party can crow about its victorious alliance in Kerala, but it got fewer seats than the CPI-M, and the real hero of that election was an octogenarian non-dynast, VS Achuthanandan.
The writing on the wall is clear for all but diehards like Vasant Sathe to see, which is that dynastic parties are sinking ships. In particular, the Nehru-Gandhis are fading stars. Neither Rahul nor Priyanka Gandhi will be able to raise the Congress’ fortunes in the long-term. Indeed, the continuation of dynastic traditions will mean death for the Congress party.
Does Vasant Sathe correctly assess Priyanka’s capability to raise the Congress party to new heights? This writer thinks not, even assuming Priyanka gains the reins of the party, which seems currently far-fetched.
To be sure, there is considerable conviction among Congress party managers in Delhi of Priyanka Gandhi’s capacity to transform the organisation. On admittedly thin evidence, comparisons are made between Priyanka and her late grandmother (whose sartorial style she emulates, if you notice), Indira Gandhi. This writer is guilty of initiating that comparison years ago on still thinner evidence.
It is not clear if a section of Congress managers are rooting for Priyanka Gandhi for her perceived intrinsic political strengths or because of desperation flowing from the indisputable failure of Rahul. The joke in the Congress party apropos Rahul Gandhi is, “Mere paas maa hai.” His political tutors in the party have long written him off.
But Rahul Gandhi’s biggest supporter remains his mother, Sonia. Sonia Gandhi shed her silence to back her son on his disastrous Bhatta-Parsaul campaign, where Rahul alleged the Mayawati government’s hand in a 1977 Belchi-like massacre. The fact that Rahul Gandhi is in politics and not Priyanka (except for her election campaigns for her mother and brother) tells its own story. It will take a lot to change this script, and it will be idle and unfair to speculate how, when and why that will become possible, if at all.
But if Vasant Sathe’s hopes and desires do come true, don’t believe that Priyanka Gandhi carries any magic wand to boost the fortunes of the Congress party. Yes, for a time, a year or two, her novelty may sway the picture, as it happened when Rahul stepped into politics. But his failure will add to her pressure to succeed, and the country is going to give her less time to prove herself.
Her biggest problem, however, may be that the country has less and less time for the Nehru-Gandhis. Experts speak of India’s rise in an external context, but that rise has been prompted internally, and that has produced its own effects on politics. India’s middle class is more powerful, more demanding, and more impatient than ever before. Its new heroes are, among others, Anna Hazare and the yoga guru, Baba Ramdev. Ramdev’s satyagraha from next month against political corruption and black money has given the Congress-led Central government huge jitters.
And more fundamentally, India is becoming a classical federation with stronger states and a diminished Centre. So infirm is prime minister Manmohan Singh (for other reasons as well) that some chief ministers arguably command more real powers than him. The recent assembly election results have further strengthened regionalism and coalition politics and weakened the hands of mainstream parties, chief of them the Congress.
Also, scuppering Priyanka Gandhi’s chance of outright success is the competition she will face from scions of other political dynasties. The late YS Rajasekhara Reddy’s son is challenging Rahul/Sonia Gandhi to take him on in Andhra Pradesh, where disaster looms for the Congress. In state after state, dynasts or powerful independent chief ministers are rising at the cost of the Congress, even as all dynastic parties face revulsion of the electorate. The Congress party can crow about its victorious alliance in Kerala, but it got fewer seats than the CPI-M, and the real hero of that election was an octogenarian non-dynast, VS Achuthanandan.
The writing on the wall is clear for all but diehards like Vasant Sathe to see, which is that dynastic parties are sinking ships. In particular, the Nehru-Gandhis are fading stars. Neither Rahul nor Priyanka Gandhi will be able to raise the Congress’ fortunes in the long-term. Indeed, the continuation of dynastic traditions will mean death for the Congress party.
UP Govt. delaying information to RTI filed in presence of Rahul Gandhi by Pressbrief
Period of one month is over on Friday for furnishing information by UP government under RTI application filed by UPCC Chief Rita Bahuguna Joshi in the presence of Rahul Gandhi.
It has been engaging attention of the UPA government that crores of rupees made available by Central government to UP state under Nation Rural Health Mission and Janani Surakhsha Yojana were not being spent for improving health services for poor people living in rural areas. There have been lots of complaints from people that medical services in the rural areas are almost non-existent and funds for that purpose were be misappropriated by state officials.
It is said there are patients but no beds in the rural hospitals. Drugs and medicines are not available at these hospitals and dispensaries. Many rural hospitals are without doctors. The sufferings of the people are increasing day by day.
Janani Surakhsha Yojana was launched by the Central government for the welfare of the women belonging to below poverty line (BPL). The object was to reduce over all maternal mortality ratio and infant mortality rate, by increasing institutional deliveries from BPL families. This programme is so welfare oriented and progressive that apart from free hospital services even financial help is accorded to the women.
There have been constant complaints that the funds provided by the Central government under these welfare schemes were embezzled in league with state government officials. A state minister is alleged to have been involved in siphoning off the funds in conspiracy with state drug mafia. Later the minister had to resign for his misdoings.
The race for loot of the funds became so much intense that it led to the murder of two successive Chief Medical Officers dealing with the two schemes. The situation became so grim that people came out on the roads. The Congress Party demanded CBI probe but the Mayawati govenmnent did not agree fearing that the truth might tar the image of the BSP government.
In response to the feelings of people against the UP government for misappropriation of funds, UPCC Chief Rita Bahuguna Joshi filed RTI application with UP State Health Department for seeking information district-wise about the funds expanded and the details of persons with their addresses whom the medical services were provided.
The state government was to provide the information within the statutory period of 30 days which period expired on Friday. It is believed that the skeletons from the NRHM closet have potential to beat the Bhatta Parsaul saga. There is already a tacit government's admission that there was corruption and siphoning off of the funds.
Documents pertaining to the second application which seeks details about the number of Janani Surakhsha Yojana beneficiaries in all 72 districts may be even more damaging for the Mayawati government.
It is conspicuous to note that no other party has come forward to join this serious issue the poor people are facing in Uttar Pradesh except the Congress party under leadership of Rahul Gandhi. In any case sooner or later the state government will have to furnish the information and account for its misdeeds. The state government can delay but cannot deny the information under RTI Act.
About the Author
The site, pressbrief.in, is a veritable treasure house of videos, audios and rare photographs featuring the Gandhis. You can surf the Pressbrief.in all the way back to Jawaharlal Nehrus, Rajiv Gandhi the light has gone out of our lives speech. You can rewind to the rivetting 1999 Lok Sabha campaign in Rae Bareli, when Priyanka Vadra ferociously attacked Arun Nehru, calling him a backstabber. And you can watch all of Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi current campaign footage and Press Releases.
It has been engaging attention of the UPA government that crores of rupees made available by Central government to UP state under Nation Rural Health Mission and Janani Surakhsha Yojana were not being spent for improving health services for poor people living in rural areas. There have been lots of complaints from people that medical services in the rural areas are almost non-existent and funds for that purpose were be misappropriated by state officials.
It is said there are patients but no beds in the rural hospitals. Drugs and medicines are not available at these hospitals and dispensaries. Many rural hospitals are without doctors. The sufferings of the people are increasing day by day.
Janani Surakhsha Yojana was launched by the Central government for the welfare of the women belonging to below poverty line (BPL). The object was to reduce over all maternal mortality ratio and infant mortality rate, by increasing institutional deliveries from BPL families. This programme is so welfare oriented and progressive that apart from free hospital services even financial help is accorded to the women.
There have been constant complaints that the funds provided by the Central government under these welfare schemes were embezzled in league with state government officials. A state minister is alleged to have been involved in siphoning off the funds in conspiracy with state drug mafia. Later the minister had to resign for his misdoings.
The race for loot of the funds became so much intense that it led to the murder of two successive Chief Medical Officers dealing with the two schemes. The situation became so grim that people came out on the roads. The Congress Party demanded CBI probe but the Mayawati govenmnent did not agree fearing that the truth might tar the image of the BSP government.
In response to the feelings of people against the UP government for misappropriation of funds, UPCC Chief Rita Bahuguna Joshi filed RTI application with UP State Health Department for seeking information district-wise about the funds expanded and the details of persons with their addresses whom the medical services were provided.
The state government was to provide the information within the statutory period of 30 days which period expired on Friday. It is believed that the skeletons from the NRHM closet have potential to beat the Bhatta Parsaul saga. There is already a tacit government's admission that there was corruption and siphoning off of the funds.
Documents pertaining to the second application which seeks details about the number of Janani Surakhsha Yojana beneficiaries in all 72 districts may be even more damaging for the Mayawati government.
It is conspicuous to note that no other party has come forward to join this serious issue the poor people are facing in Uttar Pradesh except the Congress party under leadership of Rahul Gandhi. In any case sooner or later the state government will have to furnish the information and account for its misdeeds. The state government can delay but cannot deny the information under RTI Act.
About the Author
The site, pressbrief.in, is a veritable treasure house of videos, audios and rare photographs featuring the Gandhis. You can surf the Pressbrief.in all the way back to Jawaharlal Nehrus, Rajiv Gandhi the light has gone out of our lives speech. You can rewind to the rivetting 1999 Lok Sabha campaign in Rae Bareli, when Priyanka Vadra ferociously attacked Arun Nehru, calling him a backstabber. And you can watch all of Sonia Gandhi and Rahul Gandhi current campaign footage and Press Releases.
Indian economy is caught in the classic wage-price spiral
If any more proof is needed that runaway inflation isn’t going to disappear anytime soon, here it is. The Hindu Business Line reports that the Centre is about to raise minimum support prices (MSP) for kharif crops by 15-17 percent on the recommendations of the Commission for Agricultural Costs and Prices (CACP).
The rise is intended to compensate farmers for rising input costs, including fertiliser and labour. The agriculture ministry has proposed raising the MSP for paddy to Rs 1,160 from Rs 1,000 a quintal for crops coming to the market in the 2011-12 season — that is, towards the year-end. The oilseeds hike (soya and groundnut) recommended is 17 percent, while cottonseed (kapas) gets 10-12 percent and coarse grains 11.4 percent. Price hikes in pulses are reportedly lower, the newspaper reported.
While there is little doubt the government is going to accept the recommendations given its political inability to withstand any pressure group— least of all farmers, whose cause Rahul Gandhi is now championing in Uttar Pradesh over compensation for land acquisition — raising MSPs by 15-17 percent is not going to do the cause of lowering food price inflation (8.55 percent around mid-May) any good.
On the contrary, the government is setting itself up for the classic wage-price spiral — where prices and wages chase each other till growth comes down and lowers inflationary expectations.
The minimum support price hike is partly the result of rising farm wages. As wages rise, more money will be spent on food, driving up food inflation. Photo by Ramon Casha.
There is strong evidence that the MSP hike is partly the result of rising farm wages, which are once again the result of social security schemes like NREGA (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act). According to another report in Business Line, farm wages in 2010 were up by an average of 15-25 percent, especially in the agriculturally important states of Punjab (32 percent), Andhra Pradesh (28 percent), Karnataka (28 percent), Haryana (16 percent), Maharashtra (26 percent), Madhya Pradesh (21 percent), Tamil Nadu (26 percent), Uttar Pradesh (23 percent) and West Bengal (19 percent). Orissa, a traditional supplier of migrant labour to other states, saw wages rise by a phenomenal 43 percent.
Quite clearly, as wages keep rising, more money will be spent on food, driving up food inflation. This will spur demand for higher wages. NREGA wages are already indexed to inflation. This is where the decision to raise MSP will add fuel to the fire. Considering the fact that the government is yet to raise diesel prices, we are nowhere near the end of the price-rise game.
Where will it all end? A wage-price spiral cannot continue forever – or we will all price ourselves out of food and necessities. The only way this is going to cool down is through slower economic growth. While official forecasts are still talking of growth in 2011-12 slowing to around 8 percent, Morgan Stanley’s Asia-Pacific Economist Chetan Ahya says his organisation has already cut growth forecasts twice for India and it now stands at 7.7 percent.
So batten down the hatches. India is slowing down for sure.
The rise is intended to compensate farmers for rising input costs, including fertiliser and labour. The agriculture ministry has proposed raising the MSP for paddy to Rs 1,160 from Rs 1,000 a quintal for crops coming to the market in the 2011-12 season — that is, towards the year-end. The oilseeds hike (soya and groundnut) recommended is 17 percent, while cottonseed (kapas) gets 10-12 percent and coarse grains 11.4 percent. Price hikes in pulses are reportedly lower, the newspaper reported.
While there is little doubt the government is going to accept the recommendations given its political inability to withstand any pressure group— least of all farmers, whose cause Rahul Gandhi is now championing in Uttar Pradesh over compensation for land acquisition — raising MSPs by 15-17 percent is not going to do the cause of lowering food price inflation (8.55 percent around mid-May) any good.
On the contrary, the government is setting itself up for the classic wage-price spiral — where prices and wages chase each other till growth comes down and lowers inflationary expectations.
The minimum support price hike is partly the result of rising farm wages. As wages rise, more money will be spent on food, driving up food inflation. Photo by Ramon Casha.
There is strong evidence that the MSP hike is partly the result of rising farm wages, which are once again the result of social security schemes like NREGA (National Rural Employment Guarantee Act). According to another report in Business Line, farm wages in 2010 were up by an average of 15-25 percent, especially in the agriculturally important states of Punjab (32 percent), Andhra Pradesh (28 percent), Karnataka (28 percent), Haryana (16 percent), Maharashtra (26 percent), Madhya Pradesh (21 percent), Tamil Nadu (26 percent), Uttar Pradesh (23 percent) and West Bengal (19 percent). Orissa, a traditional supplier of migrant labour to other states, saw wages rise by a phenomenal 43 percent.
Quite clearly, as wages keep rising, more money will be spent on food, driving up food inflation. This will spur demand for higher wages. NREGA wages are already indexed to inflation. This is where the decision to raise MSP will add fuel to the fire. Considering the fact that the government is yet to raise diesel prices, we are nowhere near the end of the price-rise game.
Where will it all end? A wage-price spiral cannot continue forever – or we will all price ourselves out of food and necessities. The only way this is going to cool down is through slower economic growth. While official forecasts are still talking of growth in 2011-12 slowing to around 8 percent, Morgan Stanley’s Asia-Pacific Economist Chetan Ahya says his organisation has already cut growth forecasts twice for India and it now stands at 7.7 percent.
So batten down the hatches. India is slowing down for sure.
Tuesday, March 1, 2011
Rahul Gandhi integral part of key committee that will draw congress policies.
Rahul Gandhi, who has often talked about going and doing it alone in key states like, Uttar pradesh, Haryana, Punjab, is a Prominent member of Draft Committee of the All India Congress Committee. Which Will finalize the political future of the congress at the plenary being held from December 18.
The young Congress General Secretary is among the twenty two members of the high level committee headed by senior leader Pranab Mukherjee, Which has been tasked to prepare the draft political, economical and foreign policy resolutions.
This is a second plenary after the UPA came to power in 2004 and first after 2009 Lok Sabha elections, in which the coalition retained power with congress crossing the 200 mark in the 543 -member Lok Sabha after a gap of over 15 years.
Prominent among those in the draft committee are senior leader like Arjun Singh, A K Antony, Digvijay Singh, P. Chidambaram and Jairam Ramesh.
However, the sub-committee which will finalize the draft resolution on political situations is headed by A K Antony.
The sub Committee on economic resolution is headed by Pranab Mukherjee and the another one on foreign affairs is headed by Commerce Minister Anand Sharma with External Affairs Minister S M Krishna being prominent member.
After the Sub-Committees finalize the draft resolutions, The Draft Committee will pass them.
The young Congress General Secretary is among the twenty two members of the high level committee headed by senior leader Pranab Mukherjee, Which has been tasked to prepare the draft political, economical and foreign policy resolutions.
This is a second plenary after the UPA came to power in 2004 and first after 2009 Lok Sabha elections, in which the coalition retained power with congress crossing the 200 mark in the 543 -member Lok Sabha after a gap of over 15 years.
Prominent among those in the draft committee are senior leader like Arjun Singh, A K Antony, Digvijay Singh, P. Chidambaram and Jairam Ramesh.
However, the sub-committee which will finalize the draft resolution on political situations is headed by A K Antony.
The sub Committee on economic resolution is headed by Pranab Mukherjee and the another one on foreign affairs is headed by Commerce Minister Anand Sharma with External Affairs Minister S M Krishna being prominent member.
After the Sub-Committees finalize the draft resolutions, The Draft Committee will pass them.
Reach out to villages: Rahul tells Tamil Nadu Youth Congress
Chennai, Dec 23 (IANS) Congress leader Rahul Gandhi Thursday urged cadres of the Youth Congress to reach out to villages and strengthen the party at the grassroots level so that the Congress can come to power in Tamil Nadu at a future date. Gandhi, on a two-day Tamil Nadu tour, met officials of the state Youth Congress at Tirunelvelli and Tirupur.
On Thursday morning, he reached Tirunelvelli from Madurai where he had spent the previous night.
Addressing the youth wing officials at Tirunelvelli, he urged them to focus their energies at the panchayat level so that the party can grow in strength.
He said the party’s youth wing cadres should meet the rural people and take remedial measures to alleviate their sufferings and ask them to follow only the Congress party’s ideals and policies and not of any other party.
Gandhi later reached Tirupur and met the Youth Congress officials there.
On Thursday morning, he reached Tirunelvelli from Madurai where he had spent the previous night.
Addressing the youth wing officials at Tirunelvelli, he urged them to focus their energies at the panchayat level so that the party can grow in strength.
He said the party’s youth wing cadres should meet the rural people and take remedial measures to alleviate their sufferings and ask them to follow only the Congress party’s ideals and policies and not of any other party.
Gandhi later reached Tirupur and met the Youth Congress officials there.
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